THE SECRETARY-GENERAL

 

BRIEFING TO THE SECURITY COUNCIL

 

ON VISIT TO SOUTHEAST ASIA

 

 

New York, 29 February 2000

 

Mr. President,

 

Excellencies,

 

���� I am pleased to be back among you. As you know, I have just returned from a journey of two and a half

��� weeks during which I visited Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, East Timor, Australia and New Zealand. I also

���� had the honour to attend the Tenth United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in Bangkok - an

���� important and constructive meeting which I hope will mark the beginning of a new phase in international

���� economic relations, after the disappointment of Seattle.

���� In all of those countries I saw and learned a great deal.

���� It was encouraging to see the success of both Thailand and Singapore in recovering from the recent financial

���� crisis. And I found it especially moving to witness the heroic efforts of the Indonesian government and people

���� to overcome their many difficulties and advance into a new era of freedom and democracy, notably by

���� bringing the military under full civilian control. I went there with a simple message: that the unity of a great

���� and diverse nation such as Indonesia is best preserved by political rather than military means. I am glad to

���� say this message was well received, because it corresponded to courageous decisions which the government

���� had already taken. It is to be applauded for seeking a solution to the crises in Aceh and the Moluccas

���� through dialogue and special programmes for economic and social development, rather than through martial

���� law.

���� I believe the government is entitled to all possible international support in its efforts to improve the economic

���� and social conditions of the population, since failure could have the most serious political implications not

���� only for Indonesia itself but for the whole region.

���� I also had most useful discussions with the leaders of Australia and New Zealand, and had occasion to thank

���� the Australian people, especially, for the leading role Australia has played in transforming the fortunes and

���� prospects of East Timor.

 

EAST TIMOR

 

���� Mr. President, I trust the Council will understand that it implies no disrespect for the other countries I visited

���� if I say that, once I left UNCTAD X, East Timor and its problems became the central focus of my journey.

���� That simply reflects the unusual responsibilities which have been given to the United Nations in East Timor.

���� It is that issue that I wish especially to bring to your attention this morning.

���� If I had to sum up my findings in East Timor in one phrase, I would say that I was both depressed and

���� impressed. I was depressed by the spectacle of destruction, much of which had clearly been inflicted

���� systematically, and which was far worse even than I had imagined from what I had seen on television and

���� read in reports.

���� But I was also greatly impressed -- by the East Timorese leadership, above all Mr. Xanana Gusmao, and by

��� the determination of the East Timorese people to rebuild their country and to achieve reconciliation, both

���� with each other and with their neighbours. Given the right kind of assistance, East Timor can have a good and

���� stable future. That is where this Council still has a vital role to play.

���� The security emergency in East Timor has more or less ended, although of course there are still threats. Let

���� me particularly commend the leadership provided by General Cosgrove, and congratulate both him and

���� General de los Santos on completing the smooth and seamless transfer of responsibility from INTERFET to

���� UNTAET.

���� The deployment of these two forces -- first a coalition of the willing, and then a United Nations peacekeeping

���� operation -- shows the difference rapid deployment can make. I would like again to thank all those

���� Governments which have rallied to support this operation. Had they not demonstrated such impressive

���� political will, East Timor's history and prospects would be quite different from what they are.

���� But please make no mistake: there is still an emergency, and a very serious one. East Timor faces a

���� daunting task of reconstruction - not only in terms of bricks and mortar, but also in rebuilding its society.

���� People need jobs, schools, and clinics. Ports, roads, buildings: all must be re-built, or built from scratch. Laws

���� and institutions must be put in place, and East Timor's people trained in all the skills required to run a

���� modern state.

���� At the recent Tokyo conference, governments pledged more than $500 million in assistance -- a truly

���� impressive sum. If all the pledges made there are fulfilled, this will be one of the rare cases where neither

���� soldiers nor money are in short supply. But, as we all know, turning pledges into cash takes time. Funds are

���� flowing, but not quickly enough. At present, there is still only 22 million dollars in the United Nations Trust

���� Fund for East Timor.

���� The World Bank has also begun disbursing money, and has streamlined its procedures so that its

���� representatives on the spot can make decisions on expenditure, within certain limits, without reference to

���� Washington. Mr. Wolfensohn visited East Timor a few days after myself, and signed an agreement with my

���� Special Representative, Sergio Vieira de Mello, under which some 21 million dollars will be released for

���� urgent needs. We are also trying to attract members of the East Timorese diaspora to lend their skills and

���� support.

���� Still, we need even greater momentum if the East Timorese are to feel positive changes in their daily lives, to

���� achieve reconciliation among themselves, and avoid the dependency and social unrest which despair and

���� national trauma such as they have been through can so easily breed.

���� I am glad to report that every country I visited promised to assist East Timor in this undertaking.

���� It was particularly heartening to sense good relations emerging between Indonesia and East Timor, between

���� Australia and East Timor, and between Indonesia and Australia - three nations indissolubly linked by history,

���� geography and trade. Already, UNTAET, acting on behalf of the East Timorese people, has worked out an

���� arrangement with Australia on revenue sharing from oil and gas production in the Timor Gap. Although in the

���� immediate future East Timor's share would not amount to more than 7 or 8 million dollars per year, there are

���� hopes that in the medium term larger sums could accrue. In addition, efforts have begun to resolve thorny

���� issues of property rights, and other outstanding problems. I left the region encouraged by the degree of

���� goodwill that exists among the three peoples, and their desire to forge a harmonious future. I am sure

���� President Wahid's visit to East Timor today will mark an important new step in that direction.

���� Mr. President, the effort to meet all these challenges must not be governed by arbitrary deadlines. None of

�� ��us, I am sure, have any desire to keep East Timor under United Nations administration for a moment longer

���� than necessary. Equally, however, it would be irresponsible to leave before the job is done. The timing of our

���� departure must be decided by objective criteria of achievement.

���� Accordingly, I have instructed my Special Representative to draw up such criteria, in consultation with the

���� East Timorese leadership, so that we will know when we have accomplished what we set out to do � when, in

���� other words, the East Timorese are ready to assume full control of their destiny.

���� Both they and we must be patient, for that moment is still some way off. I said this when I attended a session

���� of the National Consultative Council, the primary mechanism through which the representatives of the East

���� Timorese people participate in the decision-making process.

���� And I say it again to this Council. You have provided an initial mandate which expires at the end of January

���� next year. We will do our best to work within that timeframe; but we should be prepared to extend it if

���� necessary. We must see this job through to its natural conclusion.

���� One crucial element in East Timor's ability to move forward will be a proper reckoning for past injustices. An

���� Indonesian Commission of Inquiry, sanctioned by the Government, has already published a frank report on

���� the violence, and the Attorney-General is demonstrating a will to move ahead with prosecutions and trials.

�� ��I am aware, of course, that the Security Council can choose to form a tribunal of its own. But, Mr. President,

���� I share the belief - which is implicit in your letter to me of 18 February - that Indonesia should be given the

���� chance to demonstrate its capacity to do a credible and transparent job of holding people accountable for

���� their crimes. As you suggested in that letter, I am consulting with the Government of Indonesia to see what

���� forms of assistance the United Nations can provide to help Indonesia ensure that international standards of

���� human rights and humanitarian law are respected - and I urge Member States to do the same.

���� Not only is such credible and transparent justice essential for the people of East Timor. It would also promote

���� the wider transformation to democracy occurring in Indonesia itself, and serve as a deterrent. I met with most

���� of the key figures in the Indonesian Government, and they were united in their determination to move in this

���� direction. They are surely entitled to our support.

 

Mr. President,

 

���� May I now briefly mention a few other regional issues that came up consistently in my talks?

 

CAMBODIA

 

���� As you know, the United Nations and the Government of Cambodia have been engaged in negotiations over

���� the nature of a tribunal to try Khmer rouge personnel accused of genocide and other violations of

���� international humanitarian law. The international community and Cambodia itself agree that such a tribunal

���� should have an international character and be able to ensure that minimum international legal standards are

���� met.

���� But translating that wish into specific arrangements has proved difficult. I have recently exchanged letters on

���� this subject with Prime Minister Hun Sen, following which we had a very constructive meeting in Bangkok.

���� We agreed that there is a real need to resolve our remaining differences so that trials can begin.

���� The main concern on the United Nations side is to ensure that the judicial system set up for this purpose

���� under Cambodian law does indeed reach international standards. It must guarantee the arrest and surrender

���� of all indictees; it must exclude any amnesty for genocide or crimes against humanity; and it must include an

���� appropriate international element among both prosecutors and judges.

���� Some of these issues are extremely difficult, but we shall continue to discuss them with the Cambodian

���� government. I shall shortly be sending a United Nations team to Cambodia for that purpose, in the hope that

���� this will be the last and decisive round of discussions. Prime Minister Hun Sen has indicated readiness to

���� receive the team. Let me assure you that the United Nations is acting in good faith, purely with a view to

���� ensuring respect for the international standards that have been developed over the years. I sincerely hope

���� that I can count on the support of Member States for the Organisation's efforts to arrive at an acceptable

��� solution.

 

MYANMAR

 

���� In Myanmar, the situation has languished for too long without any signs of progress. I sought the help and

���� advice of a number of leaders in the search for ways of breaking the current impasse between the State

���� Peace and Development Council and the National League for Democracy. It is my sense that flexibility is

���� needed from both sides. For my part, I intend shortly to appoint a new envoy who will pick up where Mr. de

���� Soto left off.

 

ASEAN

 

���� I also had an opportunity to forge closer ties between the United Nations and the Association of Southeast

���� Asian Nations. Although the United Nations and individual ASEAN members are long-standing development

���� partners, ASEAN is the only major regional organisation without observer status at the United Nations.

���� Thailand, which holds the current presidency of ASEAN, took advantage of UNCTAD X and the presence in

���� Bangkok of ASEAN leaders to organize an ASEAN-UN summit, with the participation of ASEAN heads of

���� state and government and the heads of United Nations agencies and programmes.

���� This informal meeting covered many issues, and broke new ground with respect to preventive diplomacy and

���� conflict resolution. I suggested that the time had come for the United Nations and ASEAN to step up their

���� co-operation in the general area of peace and security. The United Nations would also be prepared to work

���� with ASEAN in the context of the ASEAN regional forum.

���� There seemed to be general agreement on these points. Officials on both sides will be exploring the

���� possibilities, and I expect further progress in the months ahead.

���� The heads of state also recognised that East Timor is an important part of the region. They were pleased that

���� they had rallied to its support following Indonesia's decision to accept the need for a multinational force last

���� September, and expressed their willingness to help with the reconstruction effort. The recent tour of the

���� region by Mr. Gusmao and Mr. Ramos Horta had clearly been a great success.

 

Mr. President,

 

���� Let me now conclude by repeating once more my plea to the wider international community to support our

���� operation in East Timor both politically and materially, and to show both support and understanding for the

���� difficult transition that Indonesia is going through.

���� In Indonesia, the implications of failure hardly bear thinking about. In East Timor the worst may be over, but

���� in some key respects our job has only just begun. The international community must remain involved for the

���� long run. This is a crucial test for all of us. It would be tragic indeed if, after such suffering, we did not make

���� the best of this promising moment in East Timor's history.

���� Now I would be grateful to hear your comments and happy to answer any questions. Thank you very much.